𝓤𝓷𝓲𝓽𝓮𝓭 𝓝𝓮𝔀𝓼

Nigel Farage walks a fine line with the Iran War. On the one hand, he rightly criticises the vacillation of this Labour Government, and its inability – again – to stand up to tyranny and for our national interest. On the other, Reform UK will be wary of being seen as Tony Blair-type interventionists unless the case for war is extremely strong. One could argue that it is with Iran and I would suggest the case for defending Taiwan is equally watertight.

So then, where does this leave Reform and its foreign policy? There is certainly an urgent need for a new broom in the Foreign Office and MoD. With dithering over ridding the world of the Iranian regime, few could disagree with President Trump’s claim that the PM has been less than Churchillian.

From U-turns on the Iran War to handing over the Chagos Islands to China’s chums in Mauritius, this Labour Government is time and again on the wrong side of history.

But let’s take no lessons from the Tories. Not only are the Conservatives co-conspirators with Labour in the Chagos travesty away but are equally culpable when it comes to running down our military. Note the recent debacle over HMS Dragon and defence of our bases in Cyprus.

Reform then has a massive opportunity to rebuild, rejuvenate and revolutionise British foreign and defence policy. This ought to include a shift towards putting sovereignty first, transforming immigration reform into a foreign policy tool, reordering our foreign policy away from aid, and standing up properly for our national security.

Firstly, a muscular foreign policy would put UK sovereignty first, reducing the increasingly malign influence of global bodies. The starting point could be withdrawing from and disapplying treaties limiting our autonomy, such as the European Convention on Human Rights.

Secondly, in overhauling immigration policy, Reform has a chance to transform it into a proper foreign policy tool, not least by leaving international legal restraints preventing strict border control.

This could include negotiating fresh deportation agreements. That would demand bilateral deals with a range of countries. Luckily, Brexit makes that 10 times easier. Foreign policy would refocus on securing return agreements and managing immigration flows.

Thirdly, Reform can begin reordering overseas aid and defence spending. A cap on aid, with a promised focus on emergency relief and strategic interests, means money saved could be rerouted to an urgently needed increase in defence spending, with the goal of a more robust military.

This would be pursued in lockstep with revisiting our trade arrangements, not least with Commonwealth countries where so much of our immigration traffic originates. Again, Brexit makes this so much easier.

A Reform government can renegotiate parts of the UK-EU trade deal, while deepening ties with states across the planet through, for example, joint market access.

This could shift our economic diplomacy away from an outdated Euro-centric model to a global one – especially where investment and tax-friendly policies intersect.

Cutting development aid while boosting defence would reshape our global profile from “soft power” towards a much-needed hard-security posture.

Finally, our foreign policy is crying out for a tougher stance against security threats. This includes designating groups – such as the Muslim Brotherhood – terrorists, while taking a transactional and assertive diplomatic approach with regional partners, including in the Middle East.

Underlying all of this must be a rejuvenation of our Commonwealth ties, not least with Australia, Canada and New Zealand – states with which we share not only culture and kinship, but a head of state and commander-in-chief.

Negotiating new agreements while dismantling old frameworks is complex and uncertain. But Reform has time to lay the groundwork for an urgently needed revolution in our foreign policy, moving us away from a multilateral, soft-power approach towards a sovereignty-centred, security-first model.